Ozy.com
China doesn’t want to see me elected,” President Donald
Trump claimed last Thursday. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has insisted there
is “enormous evidence” the coronavirus emerged from the Wuhan Institute of
Virology. And Trump’s re-election campaign has already tried to portray
presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden as soft on Beijing.
“China would like to see Sleepy Joe Biden; they would take this country for a
ride like you’ve never seen before,” Trump has said.
Join the dots, and the signals are clear: Trump hopes to
flip the 2016 narrative, when his victory was tainted by Russian intelligence
efforts to assist him. This time, Trump wants the world to believe that China
would like Biden to defeat him. At a time he faces uncomfortable questions over
his handling of the crisis, that’s a very dangerous ploy from the president —
for America, for the world and for Trump himself.
Let’s leave aside the fact that there’s no evidence China
has any favorite in the U.S. elections (Yes, Trump has challenged China
economically more than most predecessors, but he has also thrilled rival
nations by destabilizing the American political system). Let’s also ignore the
reality that scientists have found no link between the virus and the lab in
Wuhan, and have — including America’s top infectious disease specialist Anthony
Fauci — said that they believe the animal-to-human transmission that sparked
the pandemic likely occurred in one of the central Chinese city’s wet markets.
What makes Trump’s campaign strategy worrying for America and the world is that China is no Russia. His administration is reportedly preparing an arsenal of punishments for Beijing, from enhanced tariffs on Chinese goods to sanctions against the world’s second-largest economy. When the U.S. threatened other nations to dramatically cut trade with Russia or face sanctions, after the 2016 interference and Moscow’s earlier annexation of Crimea, the choice for the world was inconvenient but easy. Washington was asking countries to pick between two very unequal partners: Russia’s international trade volume is only a tenth of America’s.
With multiple countries — from Australia to Germany —
questioning China’s approach to the pandemic, the Trump administration could
lend its weight to a global diplomatic campaign pressuring Beijing to answer
questions it has so far avoided. The crisis has also made many manufacturers
rethink their dependence on China’s supply chains. Focusing on facilitating
their shift to other countries, including to the U.S. through tax breaks and
other incentives, would make more sense for Washington than overt economic
coercion against Beijing.
By instead turning China into a political punching bag,
Trump risks hurting his own re-election chances. Already, his campaign’s
targeting of Biden has pushed the former vice president into also taking
hawkish, anti-China positions. “Trump rolled over for the Chinese,” says one
Biden campaign ad that tries to paint the president as weak against Beijing.
“He took their word for it.” Another ad, paid for by the pro-Biden super PAC
American Bridge 21st Century, alleges that “everyone knew they lied about the
virus — China,” and claims “President Trump gave China his trust.”
If this tit-for-tat over China continues to spiral, Trump
will feel pressure to outdo Biden and to keep ramping up rhetoric — and actions
— against Beijing. That will further narrow the window for cooperation between
the world’s two biggest economies that’s critical at a moment of global crisis.
Ultimately, Trump needs signs of an economic recovery by November to overcome
the decline in ratings that he has suffered since the pandemic began. And for
that, he requires China’s help — far more than Biden does.
Charu Sudan Kasturi, OZY AuthorContact Charu Sudan Kasturi
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